Insider Brezizinski has admitted NWO

[insidejob]

Insider has admitted NWO plans

In a 2005 book, a NWO planner admits some of their plans – former national Security Adviser under Jimmy Carter, and Trilateral Commission founder, Zbigniew Brezizinski. These plans are:
- End of Days Armageddon disaster;
- a future al-Qaeda nuke strike against the US;
- al-Qaeda's 911 as a psy-ops hoax;
- 911 as an excuse for a police state;
- the undermining of national sovereignty (via ‘globalisation’);
- the importance of international banking;
- the growth of an elite with a globalist outlook;
- support for a New World Order by Bush Snr, Clinton, and Bush Jnr
- global elite plans to engineer themselves as ‘racially’ superior, and
- One World Government.

Brzezinski doesn’t clearly spell all of them out but and hints at them and addresses them. This, of course, is the way that the NWO communicate their plans to their subordinates. It seems, though, that Brzezinski does not believe the current strategy will work and wants an alternative.

He has recently blown the (dog) whistle on neo-con plans for a terror strike in the US that gives a green light to an attack on Iran. It’s not surprising he has misgivings. He can take the blame for al Qaeda. What he believes is that One World Government is only achievable in a number of generations. He doesn’t believe that the US should be undermined to make way for One World Government. Indeed, he fears that the NWO plans are not yet viable because they would meet with global resistance. Ostensibly, he argues that for 'global stability', US needs to lead the world not dominate it. He may have some supporters. Quoted as supporting his take are: Jimmy Carter, Kofi Annan, Javier Solana, US Foreign Relations Chairman, Senator Lugar.

'The Choice', Zbigniew Brzezinki, Basic Books, 2005

Brzezinski’s alternative strategy
pix 'My central argument about America's role in the world is simple: America's power, asserting in a dominant fashion the nation's sovereignty, is today the ultimate guarantor of global stability, yet American society stimulates global social trends that dilute traditional national sovereignty. American power and American social dynamics, working together, could promote the gradual emergence of a global community of shared interest.'p12

End of Days Armageddon disaster
p12 'At some point, this trend could have apocalyptic consequences. For the first time in history, it is possible to contemplate a non-biblical "end of the world" scenario - not an act of God but a deliberate unleashing of a manmade, global, cataclysmic chain reaction. The Armageddon described in the last book of the New Testament Revelation 16, could pass for a nuclear and bacteriological global suicide. While the probability of such an event may remain remote for some decades, the inevitable reality is that science will continue to enhance the human capacity for acts of self-destruction that organised society may not always be able to prevent or contain.'

a future al-Qaeda nuke strike against the US
p22 'In contrast, a sudden nuclear explosion in some US port, detonated aboard an obscure vessel - perhaps one of the more than 1,000 ships that ply the Atlantic on any given day - could annihilate the adjoining city without any perpetrator claiming credit or being available to receive blame.'

911 as an excuse for a police state
p26 'Given that America is a democracy, the definition of the threat must also be easily understood by the public, so that it can sustain the material sacrifices needed to address the threat. That puts a premium on clarity and specificity, but it also creates the temptation of a demagogy. If the threat can be personalised, identified as evil, and even stereotyped visually, social mobilisation for a long-haul effort becomes easier. In human affairs, and especially in international affairs, hate and prejudice are much more powerful emotions than sympathy or affinity. They are also easier to express than a more authentic appraisal of the inevitably complex historical and political motives that influence the conduct of nations and even terrorist groupings.'

Threat to the current NWO strategy
p42 'In addition, the contemporary world disorder stems more broadly from a new reality: The world is now politically awakened to the inequality in the human condition. Until relatively recent times, the vast majority of mankind was fatalistically acquiescent to social injustice. Though peasant rebellions from time to time disturbed the popular resignation to what seemed to be an ordained state of affairs, they erupted mainly when local circumstances became altogether unbeatable. Even then, they did so in basic ignorance of the world at large, in relative isolation, and without a transcendental consciousness of injustice.

'The state of affairs has been dramatically altered. Spreading literacy and especially the impact of modern communications have produced an unprecedented level of political consciousness among the masses, making them much more continuously susceptible to the emotional appeals of nationalism, social radicalism, and religious fundamentalism. These appeals are fuelled by a heightened awareness of the disparities in the material well-being of mankind, prompting understandable envy, resentment, and hostility, and are intensified by self-gratifying cultural and religious contempt for the perceived hedonism of the privileged. In that setting, the demagogic mobilisation of the weak, the poor, and the oppressed becomes increasingly easy.'

al-Qaeda's 911 as a psy-ops hoax
p45 'In brief, the shock and awe tactic hailed by the strategists of the RMA (Revolution in Military Affairs) finds its counterpoint in the paralysing panic that the weak at low cost can unleash among the powerful. A case in point is the vastly over-estimate public perception of the terrorist group al-Qaeda as a highly organised, tightly disciplined, globally pervasive underground army of technologically skilled terrorists directed from an efficient command and control center. Frequent public references after 9/11 to al-Qaeda's "50,000 trained terrorists" reinforced the notion that America, and the West generally, was permeated by hidden cells of technically proficient warriors ready to unleash a series of coordinated and devastating blows designed to disrupt social life. Periodic color-code alerts in the United States reinforced that perception, magnifying the specter's power and endowing its leader, Osama bin Laden, fearsome reach.'

p46 'Yet the coordinated scale of the simultaneous strikes against targets in New York and Washington was also atypical in its unanticipated results (since it is most unlikely that even its planners could have foreseen that the World Trade Center towers would totally collapse after being struck). That this attack was not followed, even long afterwards, by a different but equally ambitious attack - such as the much feared "dirty bomb" explosion in an urban center - is a remainder of al-Qaeda's physical and organisational limitations, which were compounded by the US operation against its leaders and haven in Afghanistan.'

'It is difficult to imagine that the United States would have launched its war in the spring of 2003 against Iraq without the earlier psychological shock that America experienced in the fall of 2001.'

the importance of international banking
p132 'And yet a global capital did emerge, not between the Hudson and East rivers but on the banks of the Potomac. Washington, DC, is the first global political capital in the history of the world. Neither Rome nor ancient Peking - both the capitals of regional empires - nor Victorian London (except perhaps in international banking) even came close to matching the concentration of global power and decision-making in a few square blocks of downtown Washington.'

the growth of an elite with a globalist outlook
p134 'Meetings of such prestigious organisations as the Trilateral Commission (an elite North American, East Asian, and European NGO) are increasingly reminiscent of college reunions.
'A concomitant but more general phenomenon is the appearance of a distinct global elite with a globalist outlook and a transnational loyalty. Fluent in English (usually in its American idiom) and using that language to conduct its business, the new global elite is characterised by high mobility, a cosmopolitan lifestyle, and a primary commitment to the workplace, typically a transnational business or financial corporation. Non-native senior executives within such firms are now common, with 20 percent of Europe's largest companies even directed by individuals who once would have been considered foreigners. The annual meeting of the World Economic Forum has become, in effect, a party congress for the new global elite: top politicians, financial tycoons, captains of commerce, media moguls, academic heavyweights, and even rock stars. That elite increasingly displays its own distinctive sense of interest, camaraderie, and identity.

'This elite is fostering the emergence of a global community of shared interest in stability, prosperity, and perhaps eventually democracy. Its focus on America is a tacit acknowledgement that even a global community needs a central clearinghouse for ideas and interests, a focal point for crystallising some form of consensus, a source of consequential initiative, and ultimately of a sense of direction.'

support for a New World Order by Bush Snr, Clinton, and Bush Jnr
p136 'Since 1990, in the course of a mere decade, the United States has articulated three major themes as the new defining principles of its engagement with the world. Under President George HW Bush, they were encapsulated by three words: New World Order. In some respects, the concept was reminiscent of the illusion harbored briefly after 1945 that the World War II coalition would serve as the pillar of a more peaceful and cooperative world order under the aegis of the newly established UN. The 'New World Order' of the 1990s was similarly premised on a false hope: that America's Cold War victory would usher in a new global system based on legitimacy and contgious democracy. On occasion - such as on March 6, 1991, when addressing the Congress - President Bush would wax almost lyrical: "Now, we can see a new world coming into view. A world in which there is the very real prospect of a new world order...A world where the United Nations, freed from the Cold War stalemate, is poised to fulfil the historic vision of its founders. A world in which freedom and respect for human rights find a home among all nations.

'Although President Bill Clinton shared that optimistic premise, he emphasised the primacy of the economic-technological revolution in shaping a world with fewer and more porous borders, with greater economic interdependence and lesser reliance on political power. To him, the issue was not so much a new world order as it was the (supposedly) benign dynamics of globalisation. "It's the central reality of our time," Clinton declared to Congress on January 27, 2000. He saw in this novel phenomenon the key hope for humanity and a great opportunity for America as its standard bearer, key promoter, and major beneficiary. Globalisation became Clinton's pet concept.

'Both Bush Sr. and Clinton, however, underestimated the intensity of the percolating global turmoil that the protracted conflict with the Soviet Union has obscured. That turmoil - derived from national and religious conflicts and intensified by mounting social impatience with various forms of inequality or oppression - had quietly festered for a long time only to break into the open with the Cold War's end.'

global elite plans to engineer themselves as ‘racially’ superior
p207 'Looking much farther ahead, beyond more immediate security concerns, an altogether new dilemma must be anticipated. It pertains to the potential emergence of a truly widespread differentiation in the human condition. In the course of this century, scientific advances such as genomic profiling, biomedical engineering, and genetic modification might not only significantly prolong the human lifespan, but also dramatically improve the quality of personal life and even individual intelligence. The richer countries, and the richer people within them, will be the first beneficiaries of this new capability. The poorer countries and people will come later, if ever. America, as the richest and socially most innovative society, would most likely be among those in which the advantages of enhanced human engineering are first exploited on a socially significant scale. For those who can afford them, the promise of extraordinary improvements in personal health, in the prolongation of life, in the expansion of intelligence, and (on a more trivial level) in personal appearance will be hard to resist.

'The result will be a new human inequality.'

p209 'The traditional linkage of political liberty and political equality - a legal concept that is central to the functioning of a democracy - was derived from the idea that "all men are created equal", a conviction that the process of human creation is inherently egalitarian. But preferential human enhancement, by selectively manipulating the elemental code that defines the parametres of human possibility, could imperil that idea and all the political and legal constructs based on it.'

One World Government
p218 'A global community of shared interest should not be confused with world government. A world government is not a practical goal at this stage of history. America certainly would not yield its sovereignty - nor should it - to a supranational authority in a world that lacks even the minimum of consensus needed for a common government. The only "world government" currently even remotely possible would be an American global dictatorship - and that would be an unstable and ultimately self-defeating enterprise. World government is either a pipe dream of a nightmare, but not a serious prospect for some generations to come.

'A global community of shared interest, on the other hand, is not only possible and desirable but actually emerging. It is partially the outgrowth of a spontaneous process inherent in the dynamics of globalisation and partially the consequence of more deliberate efforts, especially by the United States and the European Union, to weave together a broader fabric of binding and institutionalised international cooperation. Bilateral and multilateral free trade agreements, regional policy forums, and formal alliances all contribute to a web of interdependent relations, at this stage more on the regional level but increasingly also on the global. Cumulatively, they represent the natural evolution of interstate relations into an informal international governance structure.'
end

[Newspeak International]

http://www.amazon.co.uk/Choice-Global-Domination-Leadership/dp/0465008 011/ref=sr_1_420/203-8750717-8599922?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1177348889&sr =1-420