New Kissinger book out

[TonyGosling]

"What an abysmal record of pettiness and spite and nastiness and obscenity is here disclosed."

http://origin.mercurynews.com/perspective/ci_5942080?nclick_check=1

Nixon, Kissinger years at the helm full of lies, deceit
BOOK SHEDS NEW LIGHT ON PARTNERSHIP
By Christopher Hitchens
San Jose Mercury News
Article Launched:05/20/2007 02:39:47 AM PDT

At one point in Robert Dallek's new account of the Nixon-Kissinger co-presidency ("Nixon and Kissinger: Partners in Power"), the leader of the free world is asked by a TV interviewer what he thinks about when he wakes up in the early hours of the morning. Richard M. Nixon, the president of the United States at the time, replies with a solemn face that he broods on world peace. He later gigglingly tells a colleague that he wished he could instead have said, "Going to the bathroom."

This sent me back to an apery of the late Fawn Brodie, one of the founders of the psycho-historian school, whose early book on Nixon quoted a friend of the president's saying that he secretly wanted "the whole world to see him going to the bathroom."

This repulsive thought - in how many closets of the executive mansion were those noise-activated tapes spinning? - is a hard one of which to rid oneself while turning these pages.

What an abysmal record of pettiness and spite and nastiness and obscenity is here disclosed. Obviously, none of us would emerge with unstained character if all our private moments could be recorded and transmitted, but it is still a pretty base type of human being - well below the American average - who would react to the disclosure of the My Lai massacre in Vietnam by blaming it on "those dirty rotten Jews from New York."

And it is perhaps an even lower sort of person - the Semitic sidekick to this foul-mouthed little Jew-baiter - who would keep smirking and fawning while that kind of thing was being said. Many are the schoolyards that maintain a higher etiquette as between bully and toady.

Cheap revenge

Of course, former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, the courtier Jew and cringe-meister, has his own cheap revenge for the moments of abjection when he briefs members of the press off the record (or so he thinks) and refers to his boss as a "meatball mind," or "our drunken friend," or - even more accurately - as "that madman." Truly, in those years, the United States was a rogue-state banana republic by the classic definition.

By that I mean that it had a leader who could not be trusted not to start a war in order to distract attention from domestic crises, a leader who tried to sabotage his political opponents by the use of police tactics, a leader who sponsored terrorism in neighboring countries and a leader whose personal demons were the terror even of his own cronies. By the end, as we know from several previous historians, the Joint Chiefs of Staff were worried enough to discuss how to disobey a presidential order for a nuclear emergency in case the order was to come from a disordered personality who fantasized about bringing down the whole house.

The effect of Dallek's book is somewhat enhanced by the extreme mildness with which he presents his findings. Indeed, wherever he can do so, he awards the benefit of the doubt.

For example, in one of the most appalling instances - the Nixon camp's attempt to sabotage the Johnson-Humphrey Paris peace talks on Vietnam in 1968 - he takes the most exculpatory line that it is possible for a historian to adopt.

In another case where I would say that the evidence has been shifting even further against both Nixon and Kissinger - the cold and premeditated murder of Gen. Rene Schneider, head of the Chilean army, in 1970 - Dallek seems to me to accept the premature findings of a U.S. Senate intelligence committee and to overlook more damning and more recent disclosures. In a phrase that betrays a certain innocence, he refers in his introduction to the latest electronic records as "untapped" - a sweet word in the circumstances.

For example

But an instant of newly released tape can illuminate an entire epoch in a single flash, and here is Nixon responding to Kissinger shortly after the coup that brought Gen. Augusto Pinochet and his brigands into power, overthrowing Salvador Allende in 1973. Kissinger has been whining that the administration can't take public credit for the atrocity and his slightly less narcissistic capo responds, as if to inject a moment of realism: "Well we didn't - as you know - our hand doesn't show on this one."

Deniability defined! And a bit of a "slam dunk" for those who continue to believe that there was no White House hand in the Pinochet coup.

Extending like a great shadow over every episode of paranoia and bigotry and corruption is the one great question. Did Nixon and Kissinger prolong the war in Indochina to try and save their own political skins? The answer to this eclipses every other consideration, from their support for Pakistan's genocide in Bangladesh to their over-praised grovel to China's Mao Zedong. Dallek does a swift cleanup here. Not that we didn't know some of this before, but as he puts it:

"Nixon wanted to plan the removal of all U.S. troops by the end of 1971, but Henry cautioned that if North Vietnam then destabilized Saigon in 1972, it could have an adverse effect on the president's re-election. He recommended a pullout in the fall of 1972, `so that if any bad results follow they will be too late to affect the election.' He had nothing to say about the American lives that would be lost in the service of Nixon's reelection."

And Dallek, one might add, has little enough to say about the Vietnamese ones, either.

It has sometimes been surreptitiously hinted by Kissinger that he acted as a restraining influence on his deluded master, and that things might well have been worse if this were not so. This book punctiliously shows that, to the contrary, Kissinger was invariably trying to encourage Nixon's very worst tendencies. And flattery was the least of it. "We stirred them up a little," said Nixon self-deprecatingly after one of his more demagogic speeches. Oh no, sir, said his underling:

"It was absolutely spectacular! The thing that's so interesting about your style of leadership is that you never make little news, it is always big news. ... You are a man of tremendous moves." It was essentially a repeat of what Kissinger often said to buck up and ingratiate himself with Nixon. "Mr. President," Kissinger told him, "without you this country would be dead."

Just think of the many good people who are dead as a result of this hideous partnership and also of the crooks and fascists whose lives and careers were prolonged by it. After reading this, I too felt an urgent need to pay a visit to the bathroom, but for the no-less pressing reason that I needed a long and cleansing shower.

[Witchfinder General]

Kissinger is your hero Mr Gosling, don't deny it, it's obvious.

[James C]

[TonyGosling]

ALTERNATIVE QUEEN'S SPEECH NEW INTERVIEW - Kissinger sees 9/11 & credit crunch as an opportunity

......Interviewer Charlie Rose, who has [3] previously listened to Kissinger’s calls for a new
world order, recognized the direction the conversation was taking and urged
Kissinger to elaborate:

“When you talk about a new structure, I’m not sure, you’ve used the term new world
order, what is it? Is it simply a world order that is defined by new interest and new
mutuality of interest?” Rose asked.

“That’s certainly how you have to start. I know the view that you start by converting
the whole world to our political philosophy. I don’t think that can be done in one or
two terms of an administration. That is an historic process that has its own rhythm.”
Kissinger replied.

“There are so many elements in this world at the moment that can only be dealt with
on a global basis, and that’s unique,” Kissinger continued. “Proliferation, energy,
environment, All of these issues necessitate a global approach, so you don’t have to
invent an international order. So every country has to mitigate its pure national
interests by the global necessities, or define it’s national interests by global
necessities But it cannot push its own technically selfish interests only by throwing its
own weight around.” he stated.

Kissinger also related that he has been struck by how much the move toward a new
global order has been enhanced by the recent crises.

“The jihadist crisis is bringing it home to everybody, that international affairs cannot
be conducted entirely by drawing borders and defining international politics by who
crosses what borders with organized military force.” he said.

“This has now been reinforced by the financial crisis, which totally unexpectedly has
spread around the world. It limits the resources that each country has for a foreign
policy geared to an assertion of its own pure interests.”

Kissinger claimed that the key players in international politics, India, China, Russia,
America, Europe, should recognize they have parallel concerns and work together to
forge what he termed an “age of compatible interests”.

“I’m not saying that leaders will be up to all the opportunities that I may perceive but
I think they can start moving in that direction and I’m actually fairly hopeful that we
will be moving in that direction.” Kissinger said.

http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=11467[/i]


http://www.radio4all.net:8080/files/tony@tlio.org.uk/2149-1-dialect200 81230.mp3